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Trump campaign manager accused of manslaughter?

Apparently some corporate tv news media is accusing Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort of manslaughter. The guy is already in prison.
This seems highly unlikely but who knows. Corporate media misinformation is very common these days.

Manafort was not campaign "manager" at time of Trump's GOP candidacy 20.Jun.2018 11:59


( Unsure why "anon" posted this to Portland Indymedia except to troll.... but here is a lot more information about Manafort, who was DT campaign chair until being fired in spring 2016, and the Podesta Group, headed by Hillary Clinton' campaign chair, both lobbying Ukraine despots over the past decade. )

You should also watch the documentary 'Get Me Roger Stone' (for 1980s-and-earlier origins of Black, Manafort, and Stone) :


Get Me Roger Stone (2017) - IMDb



profile of political operative who has played a background role in right wing campaigns ever since his bit part in Nixon's 1972 CREEP (and he has the marks to show for it).

background on the lobbying aka "political consulting" firm of Black, Manafort, and Stone and their shady dealings (which brought the U.S. its contemporary era of career multimillion-dollar political lobbyists) is particularly interesting.

Americans with an interest in their political history of the past 4 decades, particularly those who share a "how did we get here?" view of the post-Carter years are advised that this is a must see.


 link to www.slate.com

The Quiet American

Paul Manafort made a career out of stealthily reinventing the world's nastiest tyrants as noble defenders of freedom.


 link to www.washingtonpost.com

Washington lobbying firms receive subpoenas as part of Russia probe

Special counsel Robert Mueller, pictured in June, departs after a closed-door meeting with members of the Senate Judiciary Committee about Russian meddling in the election and a possible connection to the Trump campaign in Washington. (J. Scott Applewhite/AP)

By Carol D. Leonnig and Tom Hamburger August 25 at 11:00 PM

Lawyers for special counsel Robert S. Mueller III, who is investigating Russian meddling in the 2016 election, have issued subpoenas to several prominent Washington lobbying firms as the probe examines the finances of two former Trump campaign advisers, according to people with knowledge of the requests.

The subpoenas asked the firms to answer questions and provide records regarding their interactions with the consulting firms led by Michael Flynn, a former national security adviser to President Trump, and Paul Manafort, former chairman of the Trump presidential campaign, these people said.

The requests suggest that Mueller's investigators are looking closely at Manafort and Flynn, both of whom face possible legal jeopardy for allegedly failing to disclose that foreign governments or parties may have been the beneficiaries of their consulting and lobbying work, as they seek potential links between Trump's campaign and the Kremlin.

A spokesman for Manafort declined to comment, while a lawyer for Flynn did not respond.

Two of the subpoenas were issued to Mercury Public Affairs and SGR LLC, according to people familiar with the requests. A handful of other lobbying firms that did similar work have also received subpoenas from Mueller's office in recent days, those individuals said.

A lawyer for SGR LLC confirmed the company received a subpoena. Representatives of Mercury declined to comment, but people close to the company confirmed they also received requests from Mueller's team.

The investigators asked Mercury for information about their public relations work at Manafort's behest for a Brussels-based organization called the European Centre for a Modern Ukraine, which pushed for improved relations between Ukraine and European countries. The Brussels group primarily advanced the interests of a Russia-friendly Ukrainian political party that had been a client of Manafort's before he joined the Trump campaign.

Mercury, which has prominent Republicans among its senior partners, had worked on the Ukraine lobbying project with the Podesta group, led by Anthony Podesta, brother of John Podesta, who led Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign.

Podesta principal Mark Tavlarides declined Friday evening to comment on whether his firm had been contacted by Mueller's team.

The firms involved with the Ukraine project did not initially register as foreign agents at the time, citing legal analyses that indicated they were not required to do so because they were working for a nonprofit and not a foreign political party or government. But in recent months, the Podesta Group and Mercury have filed retroactively, acknowledging that the Ukrainian political party benefited from their efforts.

Mike McKeon, a partner at Mercury, declined to comment on or confirm that his firm received a subpoena. But he said the company took care in asking the Centre about its finances and consulting with lawyers about its duties to file.

"Before we accepted this assignment in 2014, we went through our own due diligence to determine the proper disclosure required under federal law," he said.

Some of the subpoenas were first reported Friday evening by NBC News.

Investigators have sought information from SGR in relation to work Flynn did for a Dutch company with ties to Turkish President Recep Erdogan, according to people familiar with the request. Flynn's company, the Flynn Intel Group, hired SGR to help handle public affairs work on that contract.

The Flynn Intel Group initially described the project to SGR as promoting a good business climate in Turkey, according to a person familiar with the discussions. Later, under pressure, Flynn filed formal reports indicating that the contract focused on a public affairs campaign to raise concern in the United States about Fethullah Gulen, a Turkish cleric living in exile in Pennsylvania. Erdogan's government blamed Gulen for a failed coup against him and wanted to persuade the United States to extradite Gulen to Turkey. Flynn also acknowledged in his retroactive filings this spring that he had secretly met with two top ministers to Erdogan, including Erdogan's son-in-law, two months before the election, where they had discussed Gulen's extradition.

Eric Lewis, a lawyer for SGR LLC, confirmed that the lobby firm received a subpoena.

"SGR received a request several months ago to be a witness (through a customary witness subpoena that I voluntarily accepted) and provided documents and background regarding its brief project as a subcontractor with Flynn Intel Group, which is fully detailed in public filings," he said.

Devlin Barrett, Rosalind S. Helderman and Alice Crites contributed to this report.


 link to nypost.com

Uncovering the Russia ties of Hillary's campaign chief

By Peter Schweizer

July 5, 2017 | 6:43pm | Updated July 6, 2017 | 9:55am
Modal Trigger

Uncovering the Russia ties of Hillary's campaign chief

Former Hillary Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta exits after meeting with the House Intelligence Committee on Capitol Hill on June 27. Getty Images

Lawmakers failed to seize on an alarming development in the Russia collusion story last week, one that should spark serious and immediate congressional inquiry.

But it didn't involve President Trump or his administration.

During a heated Fox Business interview with Maria Bartiromo, Hillary Clinton's former campaign chief John Podesta made a series of misleading statements when questioned about his involvement in a company that received $35 million from the Russian government while Clinton served as secretary of state.

On Jan. 18, 2011, a small green-energy company named Joule Unlimited announced Podesta's appointment to its board. Months later, Rusnano, a Kremlin-backed investment fund founded by Vladimir Putin, pumped $35 million into Joule. Serving alongside Podesta on Joule's board were senior Russian official Anatoly Chubais and oligarch Ruben Vardanyan, who has been appointed by Putin to a Russian economic modernization council.

Bartiromo asked Podesta why he failed to disclose his role in Joule as required by law when he entered the White House in January 2014 to serve as counselor to President Barack Obama.

"Maria, that's not true. I fully disclosed and was completely compliant," Podesta shot back.

But according to his own financial disclosure form, Podesta only listed two of the three entities that made up Joule Unlimited, failing to disclose his presence on the board of the Dutch-registered Stichting Joule Global Foundation.

When Bartiromo pressed Podesta on the whereabouts of his 75,000 shares of Joule stock, Podesta resorted to Clintonesque semantics: "I didn't have any stock in any Russian company!"

Notice the rhetorical sleight of tongue there: Joule is based in Massachusetts, not Russia, making Podesta's statement technically true. Podesta added: "And by the way, I divested before I went into the White House."

Yet again, it's not that simple. WikiLeaks documents reveal that when he joined the Obama White House, Podesta transferred his Joule shares to an LLC controlled by his adult children. He also resumed communicating with Joule and Joule investors after leaving the White House and joining Clinton's campaign. In fact, he received an invoice from his lawyers in April 2015 a consent request for Dmitry Akhanov of Rusnano USA to join Joule's board.

But nothing to see here, Podesta insisted.

"I was on the board of an American company that did business here and only here," he said. "The Russian company had a small investment in that company. We can go round and around the tree."

Was Joule's business "here and only here" in America as Podesta claimed? Not according to Joule's own CEO and president, Bill Sims. While thanking Putin's Rusnano, Sims said the investment would help support "the development of our global presence" and "complements the company's expansion plans in Europe, the Middle East, and Mexico." Moreover, Stichting Joule is itself an overseas entity. Indeed, Rusnano's investment in Joule was in part to develop a manufacturing facility in Russia.

And what about Podesta's contention that Putin's investment fund represented a "small investment" in Joule? In 2012 the company claimed it had raised $110 million to date.

That meant the Kremlin-backed $35 million investment given to Joule after Podesta's board appointment represented over 30 percent of Joule's outside financing.

There's also this inconvenient fact: In 2016, Russia's largest bank, Sberbank, where Joule board member Reuben Vardanyan formerly served as head of its investment banking division, had a $170,000 lobbying contract with the Podesta Group which is owned by John Podesta's brother, Tony Podesta.

In short, Clinton's top campaign chief and a senior counselor to Obama sat on Joule's board alongside top Russian officials as Putin's Kremlin-backed investment fund funneled $35 million into Joule. No one looking at the Podesta fact pattern can claim to care about rooting out Russian collusion and not rigorously investigate the tangle of relationships.

Are US officials investigating the matter? We don't know. When Bartiromo asked Podesta whether his closed-door session in front of the House Intelligence Committee included questions about his Russian ties and Joule, Podesta punted: "I have already told you that I was asked not to talk about specific questions, and I said I would respect that."

After the slippery answers Podesta delivered during his explosive Fox Business interview, US officials have more reasons than ever to demand answers about John Podesta, Joule Unlimited and Putin's Rusnano investment fund. If they weren't investigating Podesta before, they should be now.



#World News December 20, 2013 / 12:37 PM / 4 years ago

With cash, Ukraine's political foes bring fight to Washington

Mark Hosenball and Warren Strobel

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Rival political factions facing each other on the streets of Ukraine have also enlisted heavyweight lobbyists in Washington, some with connections at the highest levels of U.S. government, to promote their causes to American policymakers, media and members of Congress.

Among the high-profile lobbyists registered to represent organizations backing Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich's government are prominent Democratic lobbyist Anthony Podesta and former Republican congressional leaders Vin Weber and Billy Tauzin.

Meanwhile, Yanukovich's most prominent political rival, Yulia Tymoshenko, the former prime minister who is serving a seven-year prison term for alleged abuse of power, is represented in Washington by former Democratic Congressman Jim Slattery, a partner in the law firm Wiley Rein LLP.

The sums of money involved are substantial. Over the last two years, the European Centre for a Modern Ukraine, a Brussels-based organization sympathetic to Yanukovich and his political party, has paid $560,000 to Weber's firm, Mercury, and another $900,000 to Podesta Group Inc, for a total outlay of $1.46 million, according to a U.S. Senate database.


Lobbying firms such as the Podesta Group and Mercury are required to report such work on behalf of foreign governments under the United States Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA); which both firms much-belatedly did only this spring, after political heat of DOJ Russia investigations ramped up.

in the April 2017 Politico article linked below, Podesta Group in its tardy disclosure filing reports having received "more than $1.2 million from 2012 to 2014" from the European Centre for a Modern Ukraine for its work; the December 2013 Reuters article ^^ above reports "$900,000 to Podesta Group Inc over the last two years". Podesta Group appears to have received the lions share of lobbying work for the Ukraine job in any case.

 link to www.politico.com